About three million
Afghan refugees currently reside in Iran, and discrimination against them is
well documented.
According to reports by human rights researchers and journalists,
recruitment of Afghan fighters can take place anywhere from mosques in
Iran to Shia neighbourhoods across Afghanistan.
"In many Afghani towns there are Shia mosques," an Afghan returning soldier said in an
exclusive interview
with the UK-based Kayhan newspaper. "The imams and prayer leaders give
sermons about these issues and if anyone wants to volunteer, they
arrange contacts with the IRGC. We travel by land from Afghanistan to
Tehran."
For some, the fear of deportation looms if they choose not to serve in the army. Last May, a bill was
passed
by the Iranian parliament, which permitted family members of slain
foreign soldiers in Syria who reside in Iran to be granted immediate
citizenship.
They did not give us a choice; they forced us to train and fight.
They said: 'You will fight in Syria and become a martyr, and that is a
good thing.'
Masheed Ahmadzai, former detainee
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In other cases, Afghans have reportedly been coerced to take up arms in Syria. A
report by Human Rights Watch released last January provided detailed reports of Afghan fighters who were recruited by the IRGC.
Masheed Ahmadzai, a 17-year-old Tehran resident who arrived last year
on a rubber boat at the Greek island of Lesbos, told researchers that
he had been living undocumented for four years and was working in
construction when police detained him and his cousin.
He said that police took them to a military base, where numerous
other Afghanis and Pakistanis were being detained, and military officers
selected the men most physically fit.
"The military officers separated us into those fit to fight, and
those not fit to fight," he said. "They took me with a group of 20 men,
but did not select my cousin and deported him to Afghanistan …They did
not give us a choice; they forced us to train and fight. They said: 'You
will fight in Syria and become a martyr, and that is a good thing.'"
While many of Iran's fighters in Syria register in the Basij, a
paramilitary volunteer militia operating under IRGC, thousands of others
serve as paid soldiers under the IRGC's Fatemiyoun unit, mainly made up
of Shia from the diaspora in Iran.
Estimates of fighters' salaries have ranged from around $500 to $750 a
month, according to media reports. But in a recent interview with
reporters from Iran, Brigadier-General Mohammad Ali Falaki, a retired
IRGC commander who was deployed to Syria,
said that foreign fighters actually earn just $100 a month - a figure
some speculated was being played down because of the struggling Iranian economy.
Falaki also acknowledged the insufficient support in Iran for Afghan refugees, which he viewed as an untapped pool of recruits.
Besides being a significant regional force in the Middle East, the
IRGC wields huge political, economic and ideological power throughout
Iran. Whether its fighters are incentivised by money, citizenship, or
greater social acceptance, one thing is clear: It does not need to look
far for support.
But in the eyes of some analysts, the geopolitical costs for Iran's military involvement in Syria have been high.
"Iran's actions in Syria totally undermine their claim to
representing the global Muslim community," said Mohammad Fadel, an
associate professor of law at the University of Toronto. "It reinforces
the idea that Iran is a clearly sectarian state."
For a long time, Fadel points out, there were two different
narratives about Iran - that it was a sectarian state. Then there was
another that viewed Iran as a kind of revolutionary, anti-imperial state
- one that supported Muslims and self-determination and was more or
less an ally of the people. "Iran's intervention [in Syria] completely
destroyed that second narrative."
The overt religious rhetoric about protecting the shrines of the
Prophet's family reinforced their sectarian stance, Fadel added. "It
implied that those who were against Assad were against the Prophet's
family. It's obvious there is a strand in the Sunni community who object
to shrines, but to then paint the entire Syrian revolution with that
brush - and then imply that protecting these shrines merits a type of
violence - is something else."
http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2016/11/thousands-iranians-fighting-syria-161120090537447.html